Corruption in Kyiv disrupts fight against Russia

By Stefan Schocher It would be naive to assume that Ukraine is free from greed and system profiteers who cling to political or administrative posts and siphon off whatever is possible. Corruption in Kyiv undermines efforts to counteract Russia. Then, when it is revealed that food for the army has been purchased at prices three times higher than in supermarkets, nobody in Ukraine is surprised by how it still inflames tempers.

However, one is already aware of such cases because they are reported in the news. Because Ukraine does indeed have a corruption issue.

The fact that Ukraine has journalists who can investigate such issues, media outlets that publish research on such cases, and most importantly, a vocal public that no political actor can ignore, is what sets it apart from other countries. No other nation on this continent has twice in the past 20 years mobilized a sizable number of people to take to the streets to demand free and fair elections, as in 2004 and 2005, or to overthrow an untrustworthy president, as in 2013 and 2014.

Volodymyr Zelenskyy, president of Ukraine, said in one of his evening video addresses, "I want this to be clear: there will be no return to what was in the past, to the way various people close to the state institutions, or those who have spent their entire lives doing this chasing an office chair, will behave.". He now believes that corruption must be addressed in such a prominent manner for two main reasons.

Zelenskyj's personal relationship with the demimonde comes first. Before the war with Russia started in full force, there were many suspicions about him as well. He worked for an oligarch for many years before the oligarch made him president.

Second, Zelenskyj was aware that he had to deal with an opinionated audience. Because if ignored, this could very quickly turn against a public official in Ukraine.

What a critical public does is a factor that neither Russian nor Belarussian decision-makers are aware of. Investigations into cases of corruption are not possible by the media.

Authorities will check the records or the fire regulations if a journalist or a medium steps out of line; alternatively, they won't even bother to look for an excuse and will simply make arrests. There is no longer anything resembling a critical public.

There are consequently no allegations of corruption either. However, there is still corruption, of course.

The second Ukrainian president, Leonid Kuchma, made an effort to appease this vocal public in the second half of the 1990s, but he ultimately refrained from going down in history as the murderer. In 2004 and 2005, he refrained from firing shots at the Maidan protesters.

Viktor Yanukovych was removed from office using wet rags because he didn't give a damn. In contrast, Kuchma is now regarded as an "elder statesman" in Ukraine, despite all the criticism he has faced.

Economic and political networks Among the former Soviet Union's states, Ukraine is not an exceptional case when it comes to kleptocracy and oligarchy. Last but not least, these commercial and political networks serve as a channel for Moscow's political influence.

As an illustration, consider Viktor Medvedchuk, a trusted ally of Vladimir Putin who most recently served in the legislature, is a prominent figure in the pro-Russian movement, and is also a successful businessman and proprietor of several media outlets with a definite political bent. He served as the head of the presidential administration under Kuchma, and according to reports from 2004 and 2005, he was one of Kuchma's supporters who wanted to shoot at the Maidan crowds.

He currently resides in Russia. When SBU secret service special forces opened fire on the crowd in Kyiv in 2014, they demonstrated what it means to live in an infiltrated state.

At the time, it was estimated that the Russian FSB had infiltrated the Ukrainian secret service SBU to a good extent (about 50%). The army lacked ammunition to combat Russian infighting in eastern Ukraine as a result of corruption.

In the country's east, the authorities fell apart. But a lot has changed since then, including the establishment of new institutions to combat corruption, the involvement of civil society and the media in this area, and the establishment of administrative structures with democratic legitimacy to increase the transparency of budget money flows.

Because, as 2014 demonstrated, hidden cash flows ultimately pose a security risk to a company that jeopardizes its ability to continue operating. A long way to perfect legality Does that imply that Ukraine has already achieved perfect legality? No, she does not.

However, if you contrast Ukraine today with Ukraine 10 or 15 years ago, you will find that they are two entirely different countries. This is true despite a war that has been raging since 2014 and political unrest that never seems to end. high-ranking political figures and government employees must now reveal their salaries.

The same rules apply to civil servants who are unable to explain their way of life as they do to entrepreneurs who have business dealings with state-owned enterprises. Undoubtedly, there are a lot of ambiguities.

Large-scale administrative construction projects are also underway. One of these is the authorities responsible for investigating corruption.

The same goes for the entire jurisdiction. Yes, Zelenskyy and his predecessor Petro Poroshenko both put off reforms after 2014.

However, the establishment of the rule of law is a process. Additionally, political culture does not exist.

They advance. Indeed, they do.

It was now reported that a significant decision would be made this week in the specific corruption case involving the food purchased at exorbitant prices. The accountable deputy defense minister was already forced to step down.

He was the subject of a started case. Concerning the allegations made against the ministry, a parliamentary committee is looking into them.

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But a lot has changed since then, including the establishment of new institutions to combat corruption, the involvement of civil society and the media in this area, and the establishment of administrative structures with democratic legitimacy to increase the transparency of budget money flows.